San Francisco gay marriage
The Associated Press

Culture wars over? Not in California.

Featured Topic | Posted 25 weeks 6 days ago

Are the culture wars over?

The 2008 presidential election, argues columnist E.J. Dionne, will be about "secular problems related to war and peace, economics and the United States' standing in the world -- not old hot-button issues such as abortion and homosexuality.

Are the culture wars over? If so, why? Or are liberals like Dionne prematurely declaring victory?

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Ben likes: Value voters

Steve Sailer/The American Conservative

The culture wars between Red and Blue States are driven in large part by these objective differences in how family-friendly they are, financially speaking. For example the liberal San Francisco-Oakland area is twice as expensive as the conservative Dallas-Fort Worth Metroplex. The BestPlaces.net calculator reports, “To maintain the same standard of living, your salary of $100,000 in San Francisco-Oakland-Fremont, California could decrease to $49,708 in Dallas-Fort Worth-Arlington, Texas.”

Affordable family formation won’t predict who will win this November. But it offers profound implications for long-range political strategies. For example, the late housing bubble, over which Republicans George W. Bush and Alan Greenspan complacently presided, reduced the affordability of family formation, which should help the Democrats in the long run.

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Joel likes: Who would Jesus vote for?

Bob Moser/The Nation

Just four years ago, when unprecedented turnout by born-again "values voters" was credited with ensuring George W. Bush's re-election, the political face of evangelicalism was Focus on the Family founder James Dobson, screeching red-faced to football-sized crowds about gay marriage as "the Waterloo," "Gettysburg" and a force that "will destroy the earth."

Now the Moral Majority generation of Dobson, Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson and Phyllis Schlafly, the folks who fired up politically apathetic born-again Christians in the 1970s by declaring war on public schools, abortion rights, gay rights and "liberalism," has lost its grip on the movement--partly by refusing to expand their agendas to suit a rising generation of younger evangelicals who care more about global warming than winning elections for corporate Republicans, more about combating poverty than denouncing homosexuality. With one-quarter of Americans identifying themselves as evangelicals--about 4 percent more than those who say they're mainline Protestants--the political stakes could hardly be higher. But the political upshot could hardly be murkier.

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